Israel Egypt Armistice Agreement

6. Calls on the governments concerned not to take any action in the future on the transfer of persons through international borders or ceasefire lines without prior consultation with the joint ceasefire commissions; March 16, 1954, The Israelis of a colony of Gev began to plow 130 dunums countries near the settlement and belong to the Arab population of demilitarized Nuqeib, in violation of the verbal agreement reached in Samara in 1950, that both sides had to maintain and work the country in question until the problem was resolved. At the end of the 1947-49 war, Palestinian Arabs had their political prerogatives and „voices“ of selfish and self-loving Arab leaders, faced with the challenges of „shared leadership, extremely limited finances, no centralized military force and no reliable ally.“ [1] After the 1947-1949 war, it took another four decades for the Palestinians to assert their own independent political voice, which was no longer stifled by political leaders in Damascus, Cairo, Amman, the Arab League and elsewhere. This finally happened in December 1988. For Arab states, ceasefire agreements have not ended physical or political hostilities; they have been only a temporary political interlude in the ongoing efforts to isolate, destroy and delegitimize Israel on the international stage. For the Palestinians and the Arab world as a whole, their defeat by the Zionists was seen only as an aborted „battle“ in the protracted war to bury Zionism and eliminate Israel from the Middle East political landscape. Arab states continued on this path until after the war of June 1967, when some Arab states and leaders began to wonder whether support for the Palestinian cause and the destruction of Israel would end the loss of labour, money and delay. In the early 1970s, Egypt was the first Arab state to do the math and ensure that the end of the state of war with Israel was its main national interest – not to abandon the Palestinian cause, but to put its own sovereign interests before the destruction of Israel or the liberation of Palestine. When the 1949 ceasefire agreements were signed, they confirmed the demographic and territorial realities of the war. In March 1949, when Iraqi forces withdrew from Palestine and ceded their positions to the smaller Jordanian delegation, three Israeli brigades depoerated themselves in advantageous positions in Operation Shin-Tav-Shin and Operation Uvda. The operations enabled Israel to renegotiate the ceasefire line in the southern Negev (which allows access to the Red Sea) and the Wadi Ara area in a secret agreement reached on 23 March 1949 and incorporated into the general ceasefire agreement. The green line was then redesigned in blue ink on the south map to give the impression that a move of the green line had been made.

[8] The events that led to a change in the Green Line were an exchange of fertile land in the Bethlehem region under Israeli control and the village of Wadi Fukin, which was handed over to Jordanian control. On 15 July, when the Israeli army expelled the population of Wadi Fukin after the transfer of the village to Israeli-occupied territory under the ceasefire agreement between Israel and the Jordanian kingdom, the Joint Ceasefire Commission decided on 31 August, by a majority, that Israel had violated the ceasefire agreement by de-dering villagers on the demarcation line. , and decided that the villagers could go home. However, on 6 September, when the villagers returned to Wadi Fukin under the authority of UN observers, they found most of their homes destroyed and were again forced by the Israeli army to return to Jordanian-controlled territory. [9] The ISRAEL-Lebanon GAA was created by Lt.



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